Editor's Note: This graphic and text is taken from a feature written by a Stratfor analyst on assignment in the Middle East and North Africa.
Algiers belongs to the locals. Arriving in Houari Boumediene International Airport, it's readily apparent that the facility wasn't designed with tourists in mind. Distractions found in other regional airports, such as high-end shopping, restaurants and souvenir kiosks are absent. Loitering isn't permitted, let alone encouraged. And security, not traveller comfort, is the primary concern — echoing both Algeria's decadeslong mistrust of outside interference in domestic affairs as well as the legacy of the 1991-2002 civil war and subsequent jihadist insurgency. Named after the chairman of the Revolutionary Council and the republic's second president, the airport serves as a clean and utilitarian transit point, facilitating travel to and within Algeria.
Algeria lies in the heart of North Africa, sharing land borders with the Maghreb states, Libya and much of the Sahel. It is the largest Arab state, followed by Saudi Arabia. The country's centrality and relative stability present many opportunities for it to serve as a gateway for the international community into North Africa. With abundant natural resources, a strong Francophone tradition, and a large labor force coupled with low wages, Algeria should be a magnet for foreign investors. But despite healthy international interest, the government hesitates to allow too much foreign participation in domestic economic affairs — the question of security remains paramount, especially given the country's long borders and expansive territory. But the Algerian government has made significant strides in securing key urban population centers and its borders, especially since the 2013 Ain Amenas attacks.
Among the Maghreb states, Algeria boasts the longest Mediterranean coastline. Architecture, culture, art and cuisine offer much to would-be tourists. For an economy with nearly 40 percent youth unemployment, a weakening currency, and a desire to diversify away from hydrocarbon revenues, a serious push to bring in tourists would seem obvious. But most hotels are expensive and offer poor amenities, and the cash-based economy has poor connectivity to international payment and credit card systems. And dollars are hard to exchange and sometimes refused.
Algeria has thus far resisted becoming too dependent on foreign visitors, and is unwilling to loosen robust controls along the borders to facilitate movements of travelers that could easily obfuscate the movement of terrorists. Tunisia's security problems and Morocco's inability to lead the region (from an Algerian perspective) are attributed up to overdependence on Western tourism, or to an inability to rely on themselves or their own resources. But when pressed further, both citizens and government officials will eventually come to a similar conclusion, that in the Algerian mindset, relying on tourism makes you weak. The lessons of Algeria's past are that the country's current challenges will only be solved through Algerian strength.
