The United Kingdom will be locked in political turmoil. Prime Minister David Cameron has announced that he will resign by October, leaving his Conservative Party to appoint a successor to formally initiate negotiations on the United Kingdom's exit from the European Union. Naturally, the British economy will take a hit as the pound and stock markets fluctuate, as capital flees and as companies relocate to continental Europe. Renewed talk of secession in Scotland will create yet another source of political uncertainty. If the United Kingdom loses access to the European common market, its main trade partners in the European Union — Ireland, the Netherlands and Belgium — will suffer. Consequently, they will work to expedite a free trade agreement between Brussels and London. The stability of the ruling Tories needs to be monitored closely. Should the party fail to agree on a replacement for Cameron, early elections could be triggered, and by then the mood on Brexit could shift depending on the severity of economic pain.
It will be up to France and Germany to calm nerves and frame the financial volatility as an argument for integration. But calls for European unity belie the deep discord in the Continental bloc. Its core members have fundamentally different ideas on how to manage the eurozone, and the discrepancies will grow starker as Euroskeptic forces in France and Germany persevere, using the British referendum as their main tool to repatriate rights from Brussels. Without the United Kingdom to balance their differences, France and Germany will become more polarized, which will gradually erode the foundation of the European Union.
The eurozone's periphery will come under fire once more, testing the European Central Bank's promise to do "whatever it takes" to protect the currency area. In Italy, Spain, Greece and Portugal, political instability and financial uncertainty may conspire to inhibit already lackluster economic recoveries. A devalued pound, moreover, will make vacationing in the eurozone more expensive and will cut into critical tourism revenues in Southern Europe.
Having lost an important non-eurozone ally, Central and Eastern European countries such as Poland and Hungary and Northern European countries such as Denmark and Sweden will further distance themselves from the core of the European Union by, for example, rejecting EU politics or renegotiating the terms of the union.
Oil Recovery Cut Short?
A much more complicated issue is the future energy relationship between the European Union and the United Kingdom, which is still an integral part of the EU energy market. Deciding whether the United Kingdom will stay in the European Energy Community, which harmonizes Brussels' energy policies with those of neighboring countries, such as Ukraine, will be a key area of negotiation going forward. Remaining would afford Britain the advantage of continued access to the common European energy market. The move could be a tough political sell for British citizens, however, since it would again surrender certain energy policymaking powers to Brussels — something that Brexit supporters would oppose.
China's Short- and Long-Term Battles
The long-term impact could be far more profound. European markets, including the United Kingdom's, account for a substantial 15.6 percent of China's total exports. If the Brexit causes a recession that spreads from the United Kingdom to continental Europe, the toll on China's exporters will compound the considerable pain that they have already experienced in the past few years.
Furthermore, the United Kingdom's exit from the European Union could complicate Beijing's efforts at structural financial and economic reform. As Beijing tries to manage the Brexit blowback, it may delay internationally focused measures to liberalize its financial sector. On the other hand, if heightened political uncertainty undermines the pound and euro as reliable international reserve currencies, China can take the opportunity to present the yuan as an attractive alternative. In the long run, however, the slowdown in export growth only further encourages liberalization mechanisms and other structural reforms to increase the efficiency of state-owned enterprises and to support development in the private sector. Beijing will continue to make gradual progress in addressing these challenges, using domestic social stability to determine how much liberalization to conduct and how quickly.
Dulling Monetary Policy in Japan
Because Japan's direct trade exposure to Europe is less than China's — 10.6 percent of total exports and 3.3 percent of its gross domestic product — it will face less trade risk from a recession in the United Kingdom and European Union. But since Japan is instrumental to Asian supply chains running through Chinese and other Asian manufacturing hubs that ultimately lead to consumer markets in Europe, it will still feel the effects, albeit secondhand, of the tumult there.
As the effects of Abenomics' monetary policies weaken, the Liberal Democratic Party may adopt more unconventional means to address Japan's economic woes. For now, Abe's opponents are deeply divided, so if there is going to be a shift, it will fall to the Liberal Democratic Party itself to devise an alternative to Abenomics. Two things to watch for are how much Japanese conglomerates such as Toyota, Nissan, SoftBank and Mitsubishi come under economic strain as a result of the Brexit and how the younger generation of Japanese corporate leaders over time break through political barriers to advance structural reforms.
ASEAN Rethinks Integration
Russia Can Thrive on European Division
Trade between Russia and the United Kingdom is marginal, but Russia will be concerned about the longer-term effect that a European economic slowdown would have on markets and financial volatility that would affect the ruble. Kremlin elites are already divided over how to deal with the current Russian economic crisis and foreign relations, and an economic crisis in Europe that puts further stress on the Russian economy will deepen that debate. Russia will be affected if Europe becomes more bearish on foreign investment in a worsened economic slump, but Moscow has also worked to isolate itself financially and economically over the past two years to cope with weaker ties with Europe. Russia will be driven to boost energy trade and overall economic ties with China and Japan as it looks east to compensate for lagging interest in the west.
Moscow, which has long seen London as an extension of Washington's foreign policy, has tempered its anti-British sentiments while Britain has been a part of the European Union. But a Brexit could open the way for even chillier relations between the United Kingdom and Russia. This could affect Russia's oligarchs, many of whom keep homes in London and list their Russian firms on the London Stock Exchange. The oligarchs are still crucial to the Russian state financially, so average Russians who work for the big oligarch firms or live in the oligarchs' single-industry "monocities" could also be affected.
Trans-Atlantic Partners Stand Together
Financial uncertainty triggered by the Brexit has likely ensured that the U.S. Federal Reserve will hold off on interest rate hikes for the remainder of the year, pushing its next rate increase into at least 2017, depending on the state of the global economy. In fact, markets are factoring in an increasing likelihood of an interest rate cut by the end of the year. A flight to financial havens will boost the dollar and crimp exports.
Turkey Haggles Hard With the EU
The Brexit will jolt Turkey's currency, the lira, at least for the short term. But the longer-term concern is the potential for the European Union to fall back into recession and make another deep cut into Turkey's export markets. The European Union is Turkey's largest trading partner, and the United Kingdom is the second-largest recipient of Turkish goods after Germany. Some 7 percent of Turkey's exports go to the United Kingdom, and nearly 45 percent of its total exports go to the European Union. Lower oil prices have helped Turkey manage its deficit this year, enabling the central bank to make four consecutive interest rate cuts in the past four months. The central bank may reconsider that strategy in light of the financial uncertainty, but Erdogan will apply political pressure to keep borrowing costs low to boost growth. His government is politically well positioned to crack down on dissent amid heightened economic stress.
A Mixed Bag in Latin America
The Mexican central bank, like the banks of several other emerging economies, may be forced to cut rates in the short term. But longer term, Mexico's risks are far more limited. Its membership in NAFTA gives it relatively low trade exposure beyond the North American market, and the United Kingdom will view NAFTA as a key free trade opportunity to complement the European Union as a consumer market.
News of the Brexit brought more trouble for Venezuela and its president, Nicolas Maduro. The stronger the dollar gets and the longer oil prices stay low, the worse the pain on Maduro and the ruling party. China, too, may curb spending on Venezuela: Ahead of a potential recession in Europe, Chinese demand for oil may slow down even more, calling into question how flexible Beijing will be as a lender of last resort to Venezuela.
Argentina and Brazil will be in a similar situation. Both will suffer from capital flight, which will compel their governments to intervene in the short term. In the longer term, there will be an opportunity for the South American trade bloc Mercosur to negotiate a free trade agreement with the United Kingdom. Mercosur appears ready to ease off the protectionism it has practiced in the past, and it is an attractive secondary market, comparable to Eastern Europe, for British exports. Argentine President Mauricio Macri may see this as an opportunity, but although the United Kingdom would like to fast-track free trade negotiations abroad, political turmoil in Brazil and political hang-ups in Argentina may delay the process.
Layering on Crises in Africa
South Africa immediately felt the effects of the Brexit; the value of the South African rand decreased by 4 percent against the dollar. Politically, the stresses on South Africa's ruling party, the Africa National Congress, continue to mount as long-term concerns of another potential recession — coupled with concerns about the rand — only aggravate the stresses in the South African economy. The weaker the economy gets, the more traction opposition parties gain with voters, increasing the heat on President Jacob Zuma within the African National Congress. An early recall of Zuma becomes more likely as the Brexit progresses.
Nigeria, dependent as it is on oil, must also contend with the slowing recovery of oil prices. But more specifically, the Brexit will affect Nigerian finance in two ways. First, it will expose the Nigerian naira to currency volatility, thanks to President Muhammadu Buhari's decision to finally float it. Nigeria has already managed the situation by intervening in currency markets, propping up the value of the naira — which actually rose June 24 — by selling dollars. But that kind of policy comes at the expense of the central bank's already low reserves, particularly when applied toward social purposes such as development funding or making deals with militant groups. Moreover, the value of remittances sent home from Nigerian workers in the United Kingdom could be negatively affected. Nigerian remittances from the United Kingdom exceeded $21 billion in 2015. These challenges will only magnify the other issues Nigeria faces, including militancy in the Niger Delta.
The Brexit vote will have mixed results for India. The United Kingdom, home to some 1.4 million Indians, is India's 12th-largest trading partner. In fact, it is one of only seven countries with which India has an export surplus, which totals $3.7 billion. A falling sterling, therefore, could hurt that surplus. India's commerce ministry, moreover, announced that the Brexit would force India to reassess the Broad-based Trade and Investment Agreement, a free trade agreement New Delhi launched in 2007 with the European Union. (The agreement has not yet been implemented.) This will probably create the space for India to negotiate a separate trade agreement with London.
India is the United Kingdom's third-largest source of foreign direct investment, with approximately 800 Indian firms employing 110,000 people. These include the faltering Tata Steel, England's largest steelmaker, and Tata Motors, which owns England's largest carmaker, Jaguar Land Rover. One of the reasons India set up bases in the United Kingdom was to ensure access to the European Union; if the United Kingdom is no longer part of that union, then its companies may have to rethink their business strategies.
Moreover, a sixth of India's information technology service exports, valued at nearly $19 billion, are destined for the United Kingdom. More stringent visa requirements in a more nationalistic Britain may stem the flow of Indian IT professionals. But a financial crunch in London may also compel the United Kingdom to outsource more of its IT needs, which would actually benefit India.